Italien-Reise / Kinder von ehemaligen Zwangsarbeitern aus Neuaub

MUNICH, MONACO, MALGOLO – and back

The forgotten stories of the “Italian military internees” or how a former forced laborer returned to the city where he was once exploited and invented a dessert that is still on German menus today.

Fotos: Alessandra Schellnegger

A summer in Monaco! How wonderful to spend two to three months selling cake and ice-cream on the promenade among the beautiful people—what could be nicer! It was a friend who drew Francesco Di Nuzzo’s attention to the position. Di Nuzzo, a young pastry cook from Naples, said yes straight away; he was often short of work over the summer after all. It was only when he came to buy a ticket that he realized he wasn’t going to the Côte d’Azur. His friend had got him a job not in Monte Carlo but in Munich—Monaco di Baviera. Francesco Di Nuzzo had already signed the contract so there was nothing for it but to spend the summer of 1952 in Germany, in the very city where only eight years earlier he had served as a forced laborer and been so malnourished that all his teeth had fallen out. That summer he spent the days serving a three-course menu to wealthy Munich citizens at the classy Ristorante Roma on Maximilianstraße; at night he was haunted by nightmares from Neuaubing.

Photo album with historical photos of the Di Nuzzo family.
Photo album of the Di Nuzzo family: here Francesco with colleagues inside and outside Ristorante Roma, Maximilianstraße 31, 1950s; an excursion to the countryside outside Munich.
A photo from the 1950s shows Francesco Di Nuzzo.
Francesco Di Nuzzo in front of the “Roma.” Francesco worked in the ice-cream parlor and the restaurant as a seasonal worker from 1952. Later it became a popular meeting place for Munich citizens.

Francesco di Nuzzo was one of 230, one of 150,000, or one of 13.5 million, depending on one’s perspective. 13.5 million people were abused as forced laborers under the Nazis. And that is actually a conservative estimate for the territory of the former German Reich. Other sources put the figure at 25 million if one includes the entire German Reich plus the occupied territories. Whatever the true figure is, it was certainly “the largest organized mass deportation campaign of all time.”

At least 150,000 foreigners had to perform forced labor in Munich alone. Today, we know for certain of 400 units of camp accommodation in the city region. The camps were everywhere, permanently visible to every German. Unlike the concentration camps, they were not located in secluded places away from the cities but in the middle of towns and communities, often close to arms factories or industrial enterprises. The French forced laborer François Cavanna wrote in his memoirs: “At that time Berlin was dotted with little wooden barracks. Rows of brown wooden huts with tarred roofing nestled into every space, no matter how small, throughout the huge city. Berlin was one giant camp.” In view of this it is really quite astonishing that today there are scarcely any traces left of this major chapter in the crimes of the Nazi era and only one official memorial site that has been made into a museum, the Nazi Forced Labor Documentation Center in Berlin-Schöneweide. The vast majority of the barracks have disappeared again without trace. In the whole of southern Germany only one ensemble has survived for decades: the eight barracks in Munich-Neuaubing, on the boundary to Freiham, that served as the camp for the German Railways maintenance workshops. Among those accommodated there were 230 Italian prisoners of war.

Historical list of the names of persons in the Reichsbahn camp.
Excerpts from the list of persons at the RAW camp Neuaubing showing the Italian military internees, c. 1944. The list includes Giuseppe Burani, Francesco Di Nuzzo, Gino De Zolt, Guiseppe Degiovanni, Luigi Ganora, and Albino Eicher (Clere). Source: Stadtarchiv München
Historical list of the names of persons in the Reichsbahn camp.

Thirty-seven kilos. That number keeps coming back. The ghost of Francesco Di Nuzzo looking like death on two legs haunts his four children as they tell his story. He weighed only thirty-seven kilos. All his teeth had fallen out. At the age of twenty-four. A shadow of his former self. During our conversation his children repeat these sentences many times, perhaps because they know so little and cling to the few facts they have. Francesco Di Nuzzo never talked to them about his time in Neuaubing. Prisoners of war were, after all, considered traitors, first in Germany, and then, after the war, back home in Italy too. And while the tales of the partisans grew into a heroic and inflated myth that formed the foundation for the new Italy, no-one wanted to know about the experiences of the up to 650,000 members of the military who had been exploited as forced laborers.

*

We’re sitting in the Nerina restaurant in Malgolo in Trentino. Outside, the October sun is bathing the trees in golden light. Inside the restaurant Di Nuzzo’s children have cooked a splendid meal for their German guests. Children? Well actually today they’re all between fifty and sixty years old. They were all born in Munich, thanks to the Monaco mix-up. Originally, he had planned to return home right away after finishing his summer job.

But then he met a very charming girl from Northern Italy at the Ristorante Roma and so he returned to Munich the following summer. He stayed fifteen years and opened his own restaurant, the “Fontana di Trevi” on Sonnenstraße. Every evening after the kitchen closed, he would distribute whatever was left over to needy fellow Italians at the back door. He and his wife had four children. They sent the two eldest to elementary school, where as foreigners they had to sit at the back of the class. “Until the first Turks arrived,” says Sandro, the eldest, as if that were simply a law of nature. “From that moment on we were only second last, and we were allowed to play with the others; now it was the Turks who were the outsiders.”

But what did their father do in Neuaubing? Ultimately, it was probably Neuaubing that killed him, that caused his missing teeth, bad heart, kidney failure. He died at the age of sixty-five. The children know that Francesco had to repair railway carriages, and they know that he had to clear debris while the bombs were raining down. They know of two anecdotes about appalling hunger and cold. But otherwise?

View from the restaurant terrace.
The view from the terrace of the “Nerina” over the Non Valley, Malgolo/Trento, October 2021. Francesco and his Frau Nerina opened the “Nerina” in 1969. It is still run by the family today.
A digital photo on a mobile phone showing the Di Nuzzo family.
Francesco and Nerina Di Nuzzo with their children Loredana, Cecilia, Sandro, and Mario (kneeling), 1970s. Francesco died in 1986, Nerina in 2021.

In July 1943 at the latest, when Allied troops landed on Sicily, most of the nationalist-conservative Italian elite, who until then had been fascist sympathizers, turned their backs on fascism and Mussolini. King Victor Emanuel III had “il Duce” arrested on July 25 and installed Pietro Badoglio as the new prime minister. Only a few weeks later, on September 8, 1943, Badoglio announced Italy’s surrender.

Hitler, who had already condemned Mussolini’s fall as a “betrayal,” saw this surrender as yet another act of perfidious treachery. German propaganda raged against the Italians, claiming that they had already betrayed Germany in World War I so this was just yet another typically Italian move. This political stigmatization went down surprisingly well among the German population, so for the Germans the prisoners of war became a synonym for Italy’s “treachery” in changing sides. [3]

Ever since Mussolini’s removal the Wehrmacht had secretly been making plans for the event that Italy should surrender and had sent its own contingents to Italy, the Balkans, the south of France, and Greece. On September 8, 1943, most Italian units were taken completely by surprise by the announcement of the surrender. So in many cases the Wehrmacht didn’t have much trouble disarming the Italian troops. Often, they promised the Italian soldiers that they would take them back to Italy by train—if they would just relinquish their weapons they could go home right away. That was a lie of course. 25,000 Italian soldiers died during that time, either because they resisted being disarmed or because they were stuck on transport ships that were bombed or sank due to overloading.

A historical document of the Red Cross International Tracing Service.
Giuseppe Burani’s correspondence with the Red Cross International Tracing Service about obtaining official proof of his time as a forced laborer in Germany, 1964.
A watch and a ring lying on a historic ID document.
A temporary “alien’s passport” issued to Luigi Ganora at Police Station 31, Aubing branch, 1944; his father’s watch and ring
A graphic organigram with passport photos
The “ex-internee veterans” from Sala Monferrato, including Luigi Ganora (top left, third row), c. 1950.
A shaped roll and a baking cutter on a piece of dough.
A swastika-shaped baking cutter, probably from the 1950s. Albino Eicher Clere was given the cutter by an acquaintance who was a convinced fascist.

Instead, the trains took them to the German Reich, to the occupied territories in Poland, and to the Eastern Front. For the Germans it was a considerable gain in manpower. In total some 810,000 Italians fell into their hands. They were given a choice between continuing to fight on the German side or being taken prisoners of war. 650,000 men refused to collaborate and were sent to perform forced labor. Goebbels wrote in his diary that the “Italian treachery” had been a “good deal.” [4] For the Italians it was to be a traumatic experience. As punishment for their “betrayal” they found themselves at the bottom of the racial hierarchy working alongside forced laborers from the Soviet Union. That meant they received even more meager rations than French or Dutch forced laborers. Like the Soviet prisoners most of the Italians were subjected to the cruel principle of “performance-based nourishment”: anyone who did not fulfil their work allocation had their already meager ration taken away. Tens of thousands of laborers therefore found themselves in a “vicious circle of undernourishment, reduced performance, punishment, and further reduced food rations.” [5] No wonder that their memories are full of tales of eating scraps of food, of fried rats, of psychosis brought on by starvation, and of being spat at and beaten by the civilian population.

The Germans freed Mussolini and declared him the leader of the fascist Repubblica Sociale Italiana (RSI), a truncated state confined to Northern and Central Italy, which remained an ally of the German Reich until the end of the war. However, members of the military from an allied state could not be prisoners of war. For that reason Hitler changed their status at the end of September 1943 and declared them to be “Italian military internees” (IMIs). But there was another reason for giving them a different name: the Geneva Convention forbade the employment of prisoners of war in arms factories, but this ban did not apply to “military internees.”

The Italians probably didn’t care what they were officially called; they had enough to do just trying to survive the harassment and food deprivation they were being subjected to while performing heavy physical labor. But later this designation was to prove fatal: Di Nuzzo’s children have a letter from the Italian government, a reply to his request for compensation. “Unfortunately, no”,” the government official wrote, he hadn’t been in a concentration camp after all. All the IMIs who asked for compensation received the same letter. None of them ever received any money from the Italian state (nor from the German state either for that matter, but more on this later). On the contrary, when they returned home, they were regarded by many Italians as collaborators who had helped the despised Germans hold out for longer.

We visited the children of six former Italian forced laborers in Northern Italy in order to find out what their fathers had told them about their time in Neuaubing. It was a journey into a deafening silence—sixty- or seventy-year old men and women sitting there with a couple of documents and photocopies and a hole in their lives. All of them are in possession of a very similar letter rejecting their father’s request for compensation. Even the children still find this refusal to recognize their fathers’ suffering painful.

Pier Vanni Ganora lives in an apartment in Turin. He can recite all the figures pertaining to his father Luigi’s war experiences by heart: drafted on April 28, 1941, taken prisoner on September 15, 1943, returned home in June 1945. He stares at these few figures and photocopies but he knows nothing about the life that happened in between. Only that his father was beaten and mocked by Neuaubing children on his daily march to the railway carriages. That he later had an almost compulsive need to hoard bread. That he never wanted to return to Germany. And he cannot forgive himself for not having asked, for not having drawn his father out of his gloomy silence. Pier Vanni Ganora looks at the yellowing photos of his then twenty-four-year-old father in uniform staring back at his gray-haired son, until the latter begins to weep and shrugs his shoulders: “I don’t know anything. Nothing at all.”

Pier Vanni Ganora brings flowers to his father’s grave.
Pier Vanni Ganora at the grave of his father Luigi, Sala Monferrato, November 2021.
Three historical photos of father and son.
Photos of Luigi Ganora with his son Pier Vanni, 1960s.

Fabia De Zolt receives us in her living room. Her father Gino died of COVID-19 last year at the age of ninety-six. Gino De Zolt spoke about his experiences in Germany only once, in 2017, when a historian from the Munich Documentation Center came to visit him here in Pieve di Cadore, at the foot of the Dolomites.

A historic publication about wartime.
Publication “The Years of Horror” containing the testimony of two local contemporary witnesses, edited by Lucio Eicher Clere et al., 1994. They include the memoirs of his father Albino in which he describes his traumatic experiences as a Russian prisoner of war in 1942.
A certificate in Italian.
Certificate of recognition for “Italian freedom fighter” Gino De Zolt, 1984. Gino de Zolt was very proud of this award all his life. The certificates were awarded by the Italian government in the 1980s, albeit not to all former members of the military. Photo: NS-Dokumentationszentrum München
Miniaturmöbel aus Holz
Wooden toys made by Gino De Zolt. He continued to work as a craftsman until shortly before he died.

On that day Fabia sat down secretly next to the stove and wrote down what her father was telling the historian in the next room: about the women and children who spat in the Italians’ faces on their way to work. The hunger that plagued him every night. His hollow laugh when the historian asked him whether there was ever any meat to eat in Neuaubing. How he returned “thin as a rake.” When the historian asked him toward the end of the conversation whether he had at least talked to his brother who had likewise been somewhere in Germany as a “military internee” about this time, he said only “No, what for?” The next day Fabia tried once again to ask her father about Neuaubing, “but he said, he never wanted to talk about it again.” With her hand she makes a gesture like a guillotine. “Niente. Silenzio.”

Despite all the individual differences between our six encounters, one thing was very striking in all of them. Even if their fathers had always maintained a leaden or bitter silence about their experiences, they all knew something about the terrible hunger of that time. Alfredo Burani related how his father Giuseppe “later never left even a crumb on his plate.” Similarly Franco Degiovanni told us that for his father Giuseppe bread was always “sacred” in later years. Another strand that runs through all the conversations is the hurt suffered from never having received any recognition of their fates. Pier Vanni Ganora, for example, said his father Luigi was a very sociable, caring, philanthropic person, but he had locked away his time in Germany inside him, especially after the Italian state refused to grant him any recognition. Perhaps the most interesting moment in these encounters was the following: During the interview with Ganora his wife was present as well. Whereas Ganora clung to the meager couple of dates that he knew, his wife was almost chatty as she talked about her father. After having his weapons taken away by the Germans he was brought to a barracks yard where he experienced the same key scene: There a table was set and the Germans said: “Either you fight for Mussolini or you’ll go to Germany.” But he managed to escape and joined the partisans. After the war he liked to talk about it. She retell this story cheerfully, almost with pride. “Well,” says Pier Vanni Ganora after a long silence, “That’s a different story. It was easier to talk about that, everyone wanted to hear it.”

And then there are completely different stories, like that of Albino Eicher Clere, who was incredibly fortunate because some Party bigwig’s wife took his father Lucio in like a son, more or less adopted him: “The son of these Germans was fighting in the war down in Southern Italy. Maybe my father reminded her of her son; anyway, thanks to this woman he was well fed and he worked for the family in the garden and in the fields. He was totally privileged. ”

Alfredo Burani standing in front of a model railway.
Alfredo Burani standing in front of his model railway, November 2021. His father Giuseppe, who was deployed as a forced laborer for the Reichsbahn in Munich, later worked for the station police in Milan.
Eight passport photos and an ID card arranged next to each other in two rows.
Passport photos of Giuseppe Burani at varioPassport photos of Giuseppe Burani at various ages. The photo at top left was taken on March 4, 1943, shortly before he was drafted for military service. He died in January 2014 at the age of 89.us ages. The photo at top left was taken on March 4, 1943, shortly before he was drafted for military service. He died in January 2014 at the age of 89. Privately owned by Alfredo Burani

Perhaps the 650,000 Italian internees who returned home would have talked more if they had ever received compensation. The Italian government could at least have recognized the fact that all the military internees chose hard forced labor over collaboration with SS units or the troops at Saló. It would no doubt be wrong to glorify this decision in all cases as “unarmed resistance,” since there was certainly not a broad antifascist consensus among the military internees. But the fact that their experience was completely erased from the collective memory drove many of them into an embittered silence, especially as the German government has never paid these 650,000 men a cent either; nor indeed have the German companies that profited so enormously from their labor. It could hardly be more cynical. During the war these men were treated worse than other prisoners of war, but in retrospect their suffering was denied.

A historic work permit called a “work card.”
Work permit for Francesco Di Nuzzo (issued under the Regulation on Foreign Workers from 1933), Employment Office Munich, 1956. Di Nuzzo worked for a year as a confectioner at Café Kreutzkamm, a Munich cafe that still exists today. Privately owned Di Nuzzo family

The German Federal Indemnification Act, which came into force in 1953, applied to people who had been persecuted for racial, religious, or political reasons but excluded those who had been deported “only” to be exploited as forced laborers. In 2000 the Foundation Remembrance, Responsibility, and Future (EVZ) was founded. It received 50 percent of its funding from the federal government and 50 percent from private companies, although the companies were able to claim a tax break on their share. The EVZ negotiated payments for former laborers from various countries, but the Italian military internees and the Soviet prisoners of war were excluded. In 2015 the German federal government decided to make a final, purely symbolic “recognition payment” to the last former Soviet work slaves still alive. An expert report commissioned by the federal government came to the conclusion that the Italian military internees had in fact been prisoners of war the whole time and were therefore not entitled to any money. Historians such as Ulrich Herbert are sharply critical of this assessment, calling it a farce and a cheap legal trick, but this did not change the outcome: the Italian forced laborers were never compensated.

The four Di Nuzzo children still run their parents’ restaurant today. Up here in the Trentino, Francesco opened a restaurant called Nerina and introduced Southern Italian cuisine. “Freshly made pasta was a new thing in Malgolo”, says Sandro. Even today the four children still use their father’s recipes. During our visit we too are wined and dined. To round off the meal Mario brings in a dessert that originated in Munich: during his time at Ristorante Roma, Francesco Di Nuzzo was one day asked to create his own dessert. Francesco took sponge cake, lashings of sherry, rum, water, and sugar and covered it all in cream and syrup. And so it happened that this man who had lived off potato peelings while performing forced labor on the outskirts of Munich and had lost all his teeth, ten years later invented Zuppa Romana for a restaurant in the wealthy heart of the city. Zuppa Romana can still be found on many Munich menus to this day.

Three historical menus lying next to each other.
Historical menus from the “Fontana Di Trevi” and “Roma” restaurants, 1980s. The dessert that Francesco Di Nuzzo invented was still on both menus.
A recipe book with loose pages lying on a black surface.
Francesco Di Nuzzo’s collection of recipes from his time in Munich. Many of his dishes and baked specialties are still on the menu of the Nerina restaurant today.

If the common European idea is to be credible, there must also be shared remembrance. Cultures of remembrance are nearly always nationally structured and separate from one another. Often, they serve only to construct their own isolated narrative. When the Neuaubing memorial site opens in 2025 the huge issue of civilian forced labor will finally find a proper place of remembrance. What is more, the different stories and memories of the Dutch, Ukrainians, French, Italians, and Poles as well as people from at least ten other nations will be joined up. Hopefully there will also be a cafeteria and hopefully it will serve Zuppa Romana in memory of Francesco Di Nuzzo, who every evening went to the back door of his Fontana di Trevi restaurant to give hungry Italians everything that was left over that day and who served his own dessert to Munich citizens, who ten years earlier had spat at him.

Notes from Conversations

A common thread of all our conversations with the descendants of Italian forced laborers was a sense of sadness and mourning. Not so much mourning for their dead relatives but the sadness of not knowing, of a vacuum, a feeling of emptiness. If they were able to tell us anything at all, then their stories were always about cold, hunger, scraps of food, shared rations.

Francesco Di Nuzzo (1921-1986)

told by his four children Cecilia, Loredana, Mario, and Sandro in the Nerina restaurant, which Di Nuzzo opened together with his wife in 1969 in her home village of Malgolo.

Four people standing in front of a restaurant.
Loredana, Cecilia, Sandro, and Mario Di Nuzzo in front of the Albergo Ristorante Nerina which they run jointly in Malgolo/Trentino, 2021.
Four hands holding a framed photo
The four children with a commemorative photo of their father Francesco Di Nuzzo, Malgolo/Trentino, 2021.

Our father worked so hard all his life that there was no time to reflect on the past. He died at the early age of sixty-five when we were all still too young to really have asked searching questions.

Papa used only stock phrases when he talked about his time as a forced laborer. It was a time of “grandi deprivazioni,” great deprivation, he would say. He lost all his teeth in Neuaubing and weighed only 37 kilos when he returned home. After that there was a great silence in Italy about this chapter, everyone just wanted to forget. But the body doesn’t forget. Essentially our father died of the long-term effects of his time in Neuaubing, his heart, his kidneys, eventually everything failed.

We know that there were Reichsbahn maintenance workshops in Neuaubing, where broken rail cars were repaired. But we have sometimes suspected that he worked in the camp kitchen, because he often used to tell a story of other prisoners who looked for food in the kitchen waste. And he would whisper to them that he would put a package of food leftovers in the trash for them in the evenings. On the other hand, if he worked in the kitchen, why did he lose all his teeth?

Well, seven years later there was this incredible mix-up. He was working in an ice-cream parlor in San Remo when a friend offered him a job in “Monaco.” Papa thought he was going to the Cote d’Azur, but instead he founded himself in Monaco di Baviera of all places. In Munich, in other words. He worked in the fancy Ristorante Roma on Maximilianstraße and that’s where he met our mother. All four of us were born in Munich and we grew up in an apartment at Schwanthalerstraße 58, directly on the Theresienwiese, where the Oktoberfest is held every year. Later he even opened his own restaurant, the Fontana di Trevi. It was a very fashionable place back then, with the signatures of all kinds of celebrities adorning the walls. And at night he would always give the leftovers to poor Italians round the back of the kitchen.

When I (Sandro, born in 1960) started elementary school, I had to sit in the back row; that was the “Italians’ corner.” We were the outsiders. Until one day the first Turks showed up. From that day on, the Germans let me play with them, and the Turks became the outsiders.

Our father never harbored any resentment toward the Germans. As a southern Italian he experienced just as much discrimination here in northern Italy as he did in Germany. They used to call him a “terrone,” a pejorative term for Italians from the south, and for years our mother had to listen to all kinds of malicious gossip. In fact it was he who introduced really good cuisine to this village, freshly made pasta, proper pizza. We still cook from his recipes today, including the Zuppa Romana that he invented in Munich back then. Whenever guests from Munich read the menu here at the Nerina they got a big surprise, and then they found out that he, Francesco Di Nuzzo, had invented this dessert on Maximilianstraße in the 1950s. On the very spot, by the way, where the Gucci store is today; that’s what friends who visited Munich recently told us. What he never told anyone when he talked about the dessert, however, was that only a few years previously he had nearly died of hunger, overwork, and cold. He spent sixteen years in Munich, from ‘52 to ‘68, but in the entire time he never once went to Neuaubing.

To this day our parents’ room contains only the furniture they bought in Munich in the 1950s, almost like a museum.

Giuseppe Burani (1924-2014)

told by his son Alfredo Burani

Two hands holding a photo of father and son.
Alfredo Burani as a child with his father Giuseppe Burani, 1950s.
Portrait of Alfredo Burani
Alfredo Burani, 2021.

My father was a very sociable person. We used to spend our summer holidays on the Riviera every year, that was in the 60s. He often got talking to German tourists; after that he would sometimes hint at what he had experienced. “La vita era difficile” (life was hard) was a kind of mantra. Later on, when he was old, he talked about it more, especially to his granddaughter, probably because she would ask innocent questions. He was drafted into the military on 18 August 1943 and only three weeks later arrested by the Germans in his barracks. When he tried to escape wearing civilian clothing he was caught and sent to Germany in a cattle wagon. First he had to work in Moosburg, apparently to help with the potato harvest. In Neuaubing—no idea what exactly he did there. He must have suffered terribly from the cold and hunger, that came up repeatedly. How they used to search for scraps of food … Later bread was sacred to him and he never left so much as a crumb on his plate. As an old man he was very sensitive to cold, I often think that came from that time. He knew a little German, so he often interpreted between his comrades and the Germans and he therefore had a better relationship with one of the wardens. Or maybe it was a German foreman. Apparently, he took him home with him on several occasions. And he had a daughter. There must have been an attraction between her and my father. Allegedly he even wanted my father to stay in Germany after the war.

Before the war ended the German Kapos used to keep saying, when we have the super weapon we’ll kill all you Italian traitors, and they would make the slitting throat gesture. In April ‘45 he was arrested because of an alleged sabotage operation. On 30 April there was a bombing raid. That was when he ran away and managed to make it as far as Innsbruck on foot. A couple of days later the first Americans arrived.

After that he started working for the railroad police and spoke to a young woman at Milan station who had missed her train. That’s how my parents met.

Twice he applied for compensation, once to the Italian government, once to Germany. But he didn’t receive anything from either of them. He was an extremely positive person, but that affected him deeply.

Gino De Zolt (1924-2020)

told by his daughter Fabia De Zolt, in her father’s house in Santo Stefano di Cadore at the foot of the Dolomites/h2>

Two hands holding a portrait photo.
Fabia De Zolt with a photo of her father Gino De Zolt.
Portrait of Fabia De Zolt
Fabia De Zolt, 2021.

There’s an Italian saying, “fare le ale alle farfalle”, make wings for butterflies; it is used to refer to people who are very good with their hands. My father could do anything, he even built this house all by himself.

He never told me anything about his time in Germany. It wasn’t until 2017, when a historian came to interview him, that I learned what he had experienced. I sat here by the stove, secretly taking notes. When I started asking him questions about it the next day, he was in a very bad way. He said he was “dead” from the interview and never wanted to talk about it again. Not even with his brother, who must have had very similar experiences, he did not exchange a word about the time in Germany. Of course, he applied for compensation, but he only received standard letters in reply, informing him: unfortunately, there’s nothing for you. He never talked about it himself.

So I only know about things from here. My sister was sometimes sent down to Bolzano on foot with food parcels that his parents had packed for him. By the time the parcels arrived in Germany, if they arrived at all, they were just crumbs. When he arrived back at this village in June ’45, he weighed only 43 kilos. The whole village came out to welcome him–but then he learned that his father was dead. The partisans had laid booby-trapped tree trunks across the roads containing explosives The Germans then forced the Italians from the villages to clear them away. One of them was my grandfather. He was killed when a bomb exploded while he was removing a tree.

My father then worked for years as a carpenter in Cortina d’Ampezzo. He was very fit right until the end. Shortly before he died, he made this church out of thousands of matches and he used to laugh at me when I needed a shopping list to remember what to buy. But then he died very quickly of Covid in fall 2020.

Luigi Ganora (1922-2003)

told by his son Pier Vanni Ganora in Turin

Two hands holding a photo of father and son.
Pier Vanni Ganora as an adolescent with his father Luigi, 1960s.
Portrait of Pier Vanni Ganora.
Pier Vanni Ganora, 2021.

Thank you for taking the trouble to come here from Germany, but unfortunately, I have nothing to tell. I know nothing. My father did not tell us anything. I only have these documents and the family album. Whenever he opened it he would immediately start talking, about his seven siblings, about life in the countryside… He was a very good dancer and very sociable, but his time in Germany, he buried that deep inside him.

What I do know is that he was stationed in Montenegro when he was disarmed and deported by the Germans. And Neuaubing was a place of hunger. Extreme, appalling hunger. There were bombing raids. Once he broke into the cupboard where the bread was kept. German children would spit at them as they walked to work every day. After he was liberated, he made his way over the Brenner pass on foot. On the way he made himself makeshift clothing out of old train curtains. Even his own sister did not recognize him when he arrived back at his parents’ farm. He had to tell her his name, he was that thin. I don’t know any more than that.

Pier Vanni Ganora falls silent. His wife talks about her father who was a brought to a barracks after being disarmed by the Germans. There a table was set and the Germans said: either you fight for Mussolini or you’ll go to Germany. But he managed to escape and joined the partisans. After the war he liked to talk about it, and she retells the story cheerfully, almost with pride.

Well, says Pier Vanni Ganora, that’s a different story. It was easier to talk about that, everyone wanted to hear it. My father never received any compensation, let alone recognition. His first job after the war was fixing rail cars in Turin, just as he had in Neuaubing. He was employed by Fiat his whole life. Ganora begins to cry. All that’s left for me is this pain. Why didn’t I ask him. I’m very sorry that I can’t tell you any more.

Giuseppe Degiovanni (1922-1991)

told by his son Franco Degiovanni in the apartment in Casale Monferrato, where Giuseppe also used to live

Two hands holding a historic photo of father and son.
Franco Degiovanni as a child with his father Giuseppe, 1950s.
Portrait of Franco Degiovanni
Franco Degiovanni, 2021.

A German once said to me that Piedmont is the Prussia of Italy. We come from Pinerolo, beyond Turin. My great-grandfathers fought during the unification of Italy, my grandfather was in the war in Libya, my father was drafted in 1942. On 8 September 1943 his unit was left entirely alone, the officers all fled and the soldiers were deported in cattle wagons from Montenegro to Königsberg. There was no food, many of them died on the way. There he had to unload ships. At some point he was deported to Munich, perhaps because the Russians were advancing on Königsberg. In Neuaubing he repaired rail cars. The Germans were very strict and very well organized. Hunger, cold, and lice, that’s all there was. On Sundays the forced laborers were often hired out to perform some work or other. My father had to escort a girl to the countryside, to the relatives of the one of the camp bosses, because Munich was increasingly being bombed. The farmers gave him something to eat: bread, butter, jam. He saved it to share with his friend in the camp that evening. But when his friend was likewise sent to people in the countryside and was also given something to eat, he ate it all himself. From that day on my father began to mistrust people. And he always warned: be wary with friends!

The cold and hunger in Neuaubing had a lasting effect on him. Here he always used to stuff all the cracks and holes in the winter and he would heat the wood-burning stove until it was glowing hot. He tried to obtain an invalidity pension because he had contracted tuberculosis in Germany. The Italian state wanted clear proof that he had contracted the disease during wartime. The final answer from the authorities came more than thirty years after the first application; by then my father was long since dead. Here in Casale Monferrato he worked for Eternit and he died of lung cancer because of the asbestos, like so many of them did. My mother died of the same thing, in her case, it was the toxic paints. Today there is a memorial park where the factory used to be. I often go there to remember them.

My father often used to say he would like to visit Neuaubing again. I never had time – or at least that’s what I thought. His only comfort was this certificate: “Attestato Volontario della Liberta.” He experienced those key scenes that so many people have recounted. A barracks yard, a table set, anyone who pledged to fight for Mussolini and for the Republic of Salo could eat. Anyone who refused had to board the train for Germany. He refused.

Albino Eicher Clere (1922-1987)

told by his son Lucio Eicher Clere

Two hands holding a historic photo of father and son.
Lucio Eicher Clere as a child with his father Albino, 1950s.
Portrait of Lucio Eicher Clere
Lucio Eicher Clere, 2021.

Outside on the little square in front of his bakery the villagers are celebrating an outdoor mass. November 4 is “Giorno dell’Unità Nazionale” and “Giornata delle Forze Armate,” Day of National Unity and Armed Forces Day. Lucio Eicher Clere stands by the oven looking out at the silvery late autumn light with a bewildered look and a smile on his face.

Yes, they really are celebrating the “Victoria,” the “victory” of 1918… If I were a priest I would ban all military symbolism from the church, he says as he kneads the dough and pulls out an old metal form that his father sometimes used to stamp a pattern into his bread. 

My father was given this form by a friend decades ago. The friend had made it himself. Yes, of course, for a German visitor the pattern immediately evokes associations. But you don’t have to be a German for that: it’s a swastika, his friend was a convinced fascist. But my father didn’t really take it seriously.

Lucio Eicher Clere goes into the empty dining area and lays a brochure on the table, a brochure written by him and dictated by his father: “Ricordi della Campagna di Russia.” He sits down, he has baked ravioli for his German guests, served with salad. Then he starts to tell the story: 

In my father’s case everything was a bit different. He fought in the Russian campaign. A total of 200,000 Italians participated, of whom only about 20,000 survived. At first they thought it would be a breeze getting to Moscow. But then they got stuck in the expanses of Ukraine. The hunger and cold must have been really terrible. He wrote down his memories of the campaign six months later; the phrase “inferno di ghiaccio russo” keeps cropping up, the icy Russian hell. When they retreated, he said, the snowy white earth was often black with corpses.

His Italian battalion was ordered to retreat at the end of January ’43, 2,000 kilometers on foot, from Ukraine via Belarus to Poland. From there, the few Italians who were still alive returned home by train. On April 1, ‘43 he stood here before the door of his parents’ bakery. His baking skills probably saved his life in Russia because he knew how to heat an oven and he made bread for the soldiers.

Well, he had to return to the war straight away, and in September he was suddenly a prisoner of war and a “traitor” and he came to the camp at Neuaubing, for twenty-two months. But there some wealthy woman, probably the wife of a Party bigwig, chose him to work as a domestic servant in her house. The son of these Germans was fighting in the war down in southern Italy. Maybe my father reminded her of her son; anyway, thanks to this woman he was well fed and he worked for the family in the garden and in the fields. He was totally privileged, no wonder that he later spoke less about this than about his time in Russia.

After the war he took over the bakery here. He never saw himself as a victim. But here in the village, like everywhere else in Italy, there was this absurd competition about who was the greatest victim, the IMIs counted for nothing. I still remember how a former concentration camp inmate here in the village bawled out a former military internee, screaming: “What do you know? What did you suffer?”

I actually studied theology and psychology, but then I took over the bakery here when my father couldn’t manage any more. My daughter is now working here in the fourth generation of bakers.

[1] Michele Barricelli, “Schlimmer als die beste Schilderung” – Die Erinnerung an NS-Zwangsarbeit als gesellschaftliche Aufgabe, in Winfried Nerdinger (ed.), Zwangsarbeit in München. Das Lager der Reichsbahn in Neuaubing, Berlin 2018, p. 74.

[2] François Cavanna, Das Lied der Baba. Munich/Vienna 1981, p. 267, quoted from Christine Glauning, Mittdendrin und außen vor: Zwangsarbeit in der NS-Gesellschaft, in Winfried Nerdinger (ed.), Zwangsarbeit in München. Das Lager der Reichsbahn in Neuaubing. Berlin 2018, pp. 12–27, here: p. 15.

[3] See Gabriele Hammermann, Introduction, in idem (ed.), Zeugnisse der Gefangenschaft. Aus Tagebüchern und Erinnerungen italienischer Militärinternierter in Deutschland 1943–1945, Berlin/Munich/Boston 2014, p. 10.

[4] Joseph Goebbels, Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, Eintrag 20.9.1943 sowie 23.9.1943, quoted from Introduction, in idem (ed.), Zeugnisse der Gefangenschaft. Aus Tagebüchern und Erinnerungen italienischer Militärinternierter in Deutschland 1943–1945, Berlin/Munich/Boston 2014, p. 6.

[5] Gabriele Hammermann, Introduction, in idem (ed.), Zeugnisse der Gefangenschaft. Aus Tagebüchern und Erinnerungen italienischer Militärinternierter in Deutschland 1943–1945, Berlin/Munich/Bosten 2014, p. 15.